Monday, November 11, 2024

HMRC tax probes into large UK businesses at 5-year low - Serious tax fraud and avoidance hit six-year low

 

A wealthy Sydney property developer allegedly spent millions of dollars from bank accounts the Tax Office had frozen in efforts to recover nearly $20 million in allegedly fraudulent GST refunds.
Nahi Gazal, the uncle of The Real Housewives of Sydney star Nicole O’Neil, and his companies struck a deal in September 2023 with the ATO to pay some of a $44 million bill in taxes and fines related to allegedly fraudulent claims linked to various companies between 2017 and 2020.

 

But when the ATO tried to recover some of the money that was earmarked as part of the settlement payments from Mr Gazal and his companies, it found the bank accounts had been emptied in a flurry of transactions in mid-2021 and early 2023, the NSW Supreme Court has been told.

 

Commonwealth Bank and ANZ allowed funds to be transferred out of the accounts despite the freezing order because it included an exemption for regular business payments, the court heard.


Mr Gazal is also the uncle of brothers Nabil and Nicholas Gazal, the well-known Sydney directors of property developer Gazcorp. The pair were investigated by the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption and in 2016 and were found to have “acted with the intention of evading laws” as part of donations made during the Liberal Party’s 2011 state election campaign. The brothers were never charged with any offences, and are not parties to either proceeding involving their uncle.
 
In 2020, the ATO slugged Nahi Gazal and his companies with a $44 million tax and penalties bill. It froze a number of company accounts related to Mr Gazal, including three company accounts with about $6.5 million in them.
“Mate, I’m not speaking to anyone,” Mr Gazal said when contacted by The Australian Financial Review last week.
In July this year, Mr Gazal was charged with 95 counts of obtaining financial advantage by deception in Sydney’s local court. He has not entered a plea.
In its civil case, the ATO alleges Mr Gazal’s companies lodged $23 million in fraudulent GST refund claims between January 2017 and May 2020, including false invoices and claims on projects completed by other developers that resulted in Mr Gazal’s companies getting more than $21 million in refunds. 
In September 2023, the ATO brokered the deal with Mr Gazal for the return of $18 million of the $21 million as long as it was paid by March 2024. The settlement included Mr Gazal and his companies acknowledging their nearly $45 million tax liability and agreeing to pay the ATO from the frozen bank accounts. 
But the freezing orders contained exemptions for regular business payments, and Mr Gazal paid nearly the entire $6.5 million out of the accounts after they were imposed. 
For example, there were 20 transactions over a five-week period in early 2023 on one of the accounts for amounts of not more than about $120,000 “apparently because someone presented invoices in person to the bank for payment”, Justice Michael Slattery said in a judgment related to whether Mr Gazal should be allowed to travel outside Australia in January 2024. 
“Many of the recipients of these funds seem to be related parties of Mr Gazal,” Justice Slattery added. 
“A case that these payments were made in the ordinary course of a real business conducted by these companies looks difficult to maintain.” 
When lawyers from the firm K&L Gates acting for the ATO went to Commonwealth Bank and ANZ in November 2023 seeking an explanation for why they allowed the transactions, both banks cited the exceptions in the freezing orders. 
The following month, K&L Gates wrote to Mr Gazal’s lawyers asking where the money went. 
“At all times during the approximately two-and-a-half years leading up to the execution of the settlement deed, your clients continued to represent that the funds in the [three] accounts have remained untouched since the freezing orders were made,” K&L wrote. 
Late last year, the ATO secured an order preventing Mr Gazal from leaving the country. Mr Gazal tried to have the court overturn the order so he could travel to Switzerland and Slovenia for urgent stem cell treatment. 
Justice Slattery denied Mr Gazal’s application to overturn the order, saying the medical evidence to support it was “full of contradictions”. These included details of flight times to Switzerland and Slovenia that “do not correspond with any conceivable airline flight scheduling” and conflicting lists of medications in a specialist’s report and other medical records”. 
The ATO said it could not comment on the case because of confidentiality rules. 
The civil matter against Mr Gazal and his companies, and the ATO’s separate criminal case against him, both return to court on Tuesday. 
Appearing at ICAC in 2014, Nabil Gazal, who formerly dated Sydney public relations personality Roxy Jacenko, denied his family paid money in a Liberal Party slush fund in exchange for government support for a shopping centre development. 
In 2016, ICAC found that Nabil and Nicholas Gazal, among a host of others, “acted with the intention of evading laws … relating to the disclosure of political donations and the bank on donations from property developers”.
Gazcorp, which was founded by Nabil Gazal snr, sparked a political scandal in 2004 when it accused the Labor state government of forcing the closure of a new retail centre in Liverpool, known as Orange Grove, in favour of a nearby one run by Westfield.


ICAC investigated in 2005 but found no evidence of Gazcorp’s allegations.

Max Mason covers insolvency, courts, regulation, financial crime, cybercrime and corporate wrongdoing. A Walkley Award winner, Max's journalism has also received awards from the National Press Club of Australia, the Kennedy Awards and Citibank. Message Max on Signal https://tinyurl.com/MaxMason Connect with Max on Twitter. Email Max at max.mason@afr.com 


A Canadian Tax Lawyer's View On How The CRA Becomes A Victim Of Its Own Incompetence


HMRC tax probes into large UK businesses at 5-year low

Analysts say FOI data for 2022-23 suggests agency is better using resources to boost compliance

The number of large UK businesses under investigation by HM Revenue & Customs for potential underpayment of tax is at a five-year low, according to official data obtained under the Freedom of Information Act.
The tax authority has historically probed about half of Britain’s 2,000 biggest companies at any one time, but about 790 companies were investigated in the 2022-23 tax year after a steady decline in recent years, the FOI figures released by HMRC showed. 
In 2021-22, HMRC looked into approximately 820 large businesses — which typically have annual turnover above £200mn or annual turnover below £200mn but complex tax affairs — down from about 900 in 2020-21, roughly 980 in 2019-20 and about 990 in 2018-19.
HMRC said it was focusing resources “on having the maximum impact” and “collecting more tax from large businesses”, with “compliance work last year bringing in £1.6bn more than in 2018-19”.
“The potential value of our large business cases has steadily increased demonstrating our determination to ensure large business pay the tax they owe,” it added. 
Analysts said various factors had driven the decline in total investigations, including the suspension of probes by the agency into companies and individuals during the pandemic. Pressure on resources at HMRC, which has been criticised by MPs for underperformance, had also had an impact. 
“Investigations into large businesses require HMRC’s most qualified and highly experienced investigators, and these are in high demand and short supply,” said Ray Grove, head of corporate tax and trade at content and technology company Thomson Reuters, which submitted the FOI request.
Dawn Register, head of tax dispute resolution at accountancy firm BDO, said HMRC had “limited resources” and that “increasing capacity . . . would boost overall returns in the long term”. 
Labour pledged in its general election manifesto to spend an extra £855mn a year on “investment in HMRC to reduce tax avoidance”.
But despite challenges, tax experts said they broadly agreed with HMRC’s explanation that it was using current resources to better target compliance activity on large businesses. 
Register said that despite the fall in the number of investigations, HMRC’s annual report for 2023-24 showed it was “focusing its efforts on cases where higher amounts are at stake”. 
She pointed to an increase of £1.6bn in the compliance yield — the estimate of tax revenue that would have been lost but for HMRC’s compliance activity — from £9.8bn in 2018-19 to £11.4bn in 2023-24.
Investigations were also being completed faster, according to HMRC’s annual report, with the average inquiry concluding within 21 months in 2023-24, down from 36 months in 2022-23. 
Andrew Park, partner at accountancy firm Price Bailey, said: “For once, the apparent drop in live investigations may actually be a sign of positive progress.”
He cited the new “notification of uncertain tax treatments” as one factor that had helped HMRC decide which large businesses to probe and acted “as a big deterrent”. 
Under the legislation — which came into effect under the last Conservative government in April 2022 but covers transactions that happened before then — large businesses must notify HMRC when their tax position is “uncertain” and it is not clear that the business’s position is correct.
Park said the law aimed to reduce the “legal interpretation” tax gap, which was originally estimated at about £6bn in 2019-20 but has since fallen to roughly £4bn. The tax gap is the difference between the amount HMRC estimates should be collected and what is actually paid, and in total stood at £39.8bn in 2022-23.
Before the law was introduced “some large businesses sailed as close to the wind as they dared in finding sophisticated and optimistic arguments to bring down their tax bills”, said Park. 
Tax experts said they expected investigations to increase over the course of the current parliament, with the Labour government vowing to curb tax evasion and avoidance to help fund its manifesto pledges.
Jake Landman, tax partner at law firm Pinsent Masons, said HMRC would “always look to get the best return on investment — and that will probably mean more investigations into large businesses”. 
“It’s an area where investigating even a small disagreement between HMRC and a business can yield a large amount of extra tax and penalties,” he added.


HMRC investigations into serious tax fraud and avoidance hit six-year low

 UK revenue authority says its teams are focusing their work on the highest-impact cases

The number of HM Revenue & Customs investigations into serious tax fraud and avoidance has fallen to a six-year low, figures uncovered by the Financial Times have revealed.

Known in tax circles as Code of Practice 8 and 9 cases, the number of investigations fell from 1,091 in 2022-23 to just 480 in 2023-24.

Cop9 investigations, which involve the most serious cases of tax fraud such as that of Bernie Ecclestone, fell to just 268 in 2023-24 — down from 669 in 2018-19

Several tax experts blamed staff turnover and a lack of resources within HMRC. The Offshore Corporate and Wealthy unit of the Fraud Investigation Service — which conducts most Cop9 investigations — currently employs 360 staff, down from 400 just before the pandemic, out of a 67,500 total at HMRC. 

But HMRC hit back at these claims, saying its fraud investigation teams were focusing their work on the highest-impact and highest-yielding cases.   

Andrew Park, tax investigations partner at accounting firm Price Bailey, said the staff working on fraud investigations used to be “the pick of HMRC”, but due to staff turnover many new staff “simply do not know what they are doing”.  

The number of investigations opened rose sharply after the pandemic. Park argued that this “surge” had “swamped” staff and prevented further cases from being opened. 

“They’ve simply not got the resources to open as many new investigations,” he said.  Dan Neidle, founder of the think-tank Tax Policy Associates, added that the figures reflected a lack of experienced staff and poor training for new hires. 

He highlighted the case of Paul Baxendale Walker, a former lawyer and tax adviser previously involved in promoting tax avoidance schemes, on whom HMRC had applied to impose a £14mn penalty for not complying with a request to provide information. However, the tax authority made procedural mistakes and its application was struck out.

Neidle added that HMRC staff were being poached by the private sector.


 “An experienced HMRC officer is an attractive private sector hire, doing basically exactly the same job but for perhaps twice the salary. Very few civil servants are as marketable,” he said.  

In the Budget, chancellor Rachel Reeves announced that the tax authority would hire an additional 5,000 compliance staff in an effort to crack down on fraud — with the first 200 starting training in November. 

However, a senior Fraud Investigation Service official recently told a room of tax experts that they had not yet been consulted on how many extra staff their team would be allocated as a result of the announcements.

 Despite the fall in the number of investigations opened, a record £1.1bn was recouped by the tax authority in 2023-24. But HMRC acknowledged that the jump was partly due to the “particularly large” Ecclestone payment of £652.6mn, which had distorted the figures.  

An HMRC spokesperson said: “In recent years we have deliberately focused our investigations towards the highest-harm and highest-value fraud, which means the number of these inquiries [Cop9 and Cop8] will change from year to year based on changing risks. 


“The vast majority pay the tax that’s due and we use a range of civil and criminal powers to tackle those committing serious fraud. Last year this compliance work protected £34bn of tax that would otherwise have been unpaid.”



The tax system’s baffling complexity holds Britain back

Endless phoneline waits, unfair clawbacks and misdirected tax-avoidance clampdowns waste business time and energy


Bombshells, black holes, double whammies . . . Tax is rarely far from the centre of attention during an election campaign. But nearly always it’s an argument about who should pay a bit more or a bit less, or whether this party or that has a gap in its figures that will need filling.
Much less discussed, but just as important, is having a tax system that works effectively. 
Last year, callers to HMRC telephone helplines spent nearly 7mn hours waiting on hold — more than twice as long as in 2019.
Overloaded helplines are far from the only pothole in the road for diligent taxpayers. Onerous form-filling, baffling complexity, an inability to access clear guidance and prompt repayments — all these hinder the ability to do business and contribute to growth and increased productivity for the UK.
In a survey of tax advisers that our institute conducted last year, 95 per cent said that these poor service levels have a significant or moderate negative impact on the ability to do business.
Digitalising tax administration has to be part of the solution to inefficient processes. But too often at present it seems to be an exercise merely in outsourcing work from HMRC to taxpayers themselves — or their agents.
Meanwhile, research and development tax credits, recognised by all parties as a key element in supporting innovation, are beset by problems. Large numbers of seemingly valid claims have been rejected after the government reacted to high levels of abuse not with more careful checks but with a blunt process of challenge and rejection with little chance for businesses to engage. This has undermined confidence in the relief: businesses do not trust HMRC to accept or properly consider legitimate claims, leading to reports of businesses exploring moving overseas or scrapping plans to create jobs or invest.
A smooth-running, easy-to-navigate tax system that delivers what it promises, without excessive delay or bureaucracy, is an important part of the national economic infrastructure. And it should be cost-effective.
Every major party manifesto so far has vowed to raise additional revenue by reducing the so-called tax gap — the £39.8bn a year that is the difference between tax due (the theoretical tax liability, in the jargon) and tax collected. While most of the political rhetoric is around avoidance and evasion those factors actually make up well under half of the tax gap. 
If the next government is serious about this gap, ministers need to tackle not just the £1.8bn of tax avoidance and the £11.2bn of tax evasion and other illegal activity. But they must also look at the £17.8bn made up of taxpayer mistakes — what HMRC categorise as “error and carelessness”. 
It needs to be as easy and straightforward as possible for wannabe-compliant taxpayers to pay what is due: investing in HMRC customer service — instead of cuts — is central to making sure queries are answered. Ministers also need a relentless focus on simplification — a simpler tax system, with clear rules and easy-to-navigate guidance would mean fewer mistakes by both taxpayers and authorities. And they must invest in digitalising the system — but review the process to avoid overburdening users.
The happy news is that, done right, measures such as these should not only reduce the tax gap, they should also make administration easier. This would free up business owners and managers to focus on growing, rather than spending their days overcoming bureaucratic hurdles put in their path by the state.

The tax system is not a “dumb pipe” that funnels money to the government. It is an elaborate system taking up large amounts of business time. We shouldn’t make it any more taxing than it has to be. Improving how it operates could make a significant contribution to economic growth. Politicians of all parties should put these measures at the heart of their plans.